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These times exhibit a quite distinctive situation: the inaugural US procession of the babysitters. Their attributes range in their qualifications and characteristics, but they all have the common objective – to stop an Israeli breach, or even destruction, of Gaza’s unstable ceasefire. After the hostilities finished, there have been rare days without at least one of the former president's envoys on the ground. Just this past week included the arrival of a senior advisor, a businessman, JD Vance and a political figure – all coming to execute their assignments.

The Israeli government keeps them busy. In just a few short period it executed a series of attacks in the region after the killings of a pair of Israeli military soldiers – resulting, based on accounts, in scores of Palestinian fatalities. Several ministers demanded a restart of the war, and the Knesset enacted a preliminary decision to incorporate the West Bank. The US stance was somewhere between “no” and “hell no.”

Yet in several ways, the Trump administration seems more intent on preserving the present, unstable phase of the peace than on progressing to the next: the rehabilitation of the Gaza Strip. When it comes to this, it seems the United States may have aspirations but little specific proposals.

Currently, it remains unclear at what point the suggested international governing body will truly take power, and the identical goes for the designated security force – or even the composition of its personnel. On Tuesday, a US official declared the US would not impose the composition of the international force on the Israeli government. But if the prime minister's administration continues to refuse various proposals – as it did with the Ankara's offer recently – what happens then? There is also the reverse issue: which party will establish whether the units favoured by Israel are even prepared in the assignment?

The question of how long it will require to neutralize Hamas is equally unclear. “The aim in the administration is that the global peacekeeping unit is will at this point take charge in demilitarizing the organization,” remarked the official recently. “It’s going to take some time.” The former president only highlighted the lack of clarity, stating in an conversation recently that there is no “rigid” timeline for the group to demilitarize. So, in theory, the unknown participants of this yet-to-be-formed global contingent could deploy to Gaza while the organization's militants still wield influence. Are they facing a governing body or a insurgent group? These represent only some of the questions surfacing. Others might ask what the verdict will be for ordinary civilians as things stand, with Hamas carrying on to focus on its own political rivals and critics.

Current developments have afresh emphasized the blind spots of local journalism on the two sides of the Gazan border. Each publication seeks to scrutinize every possible angle of Hamas’s breaches of the truce. And, in general, the reality that Hamas has been delaying the repatriation of the bodies of deceased Israeli hostages has dominated the headlines.

Conversely, reporting of civilian casualties in the region caused by Israeli operations has received minimal attention – if any. Consider the Israeli counter actions after a recent Rafah occurrence, in which two military personnel were lost. While Gaza’s officials reported dozens of deaths, Israeli media pundits criticised the “light response,” which focused on just infrastructure.

That is nothing new. During the recent weekend, the press agency accused Israel of infringing the truce with Hamas multiple times since the agreement began, resulting in the loss of 38 Palestinians and injuring another many more. The allegation seemed insignificant to most Israeli media outlets – it was simply absent. That included information that 11 members of a Palestinian household were lost their lives by Israeli forces a few days ago.

Gaza’s rescue organization stated the family had been attempting to return to their dwelling in the Zeitoun area of Gaza City when the vehicle they were in was attacked for allegedly passing the “demarcation line” that defines zones under Israeli military command. This boundary is not visible to the naked eye and is visible just on maps and in government papers – often not obtainable to everyday residents in the region.

Even that occurrence barely received a reference in Israeli media. Channel 13 News covered it briefly on its digital site, quoting an IDF representative who stated that after a suspicious transport was identified, soldiers fired alerting fire towards it, “but the vehicle kept to approach the soldiers in a manner that created an immediate threat to them. The troops shot to neutralize the threat, in accordance with the truce.” No casualties were stated.

With this framing, it is little wonder a lot of Israeli citizens believe the group alone is to at fault for breaking the ceasefire. This view threatens fuelling calls for a more aggressive approach in the region.

Sooner or later – maybe in the near future – it will not be enough for American representatives to play caretakers, instructing the Israeli government what to refrain from. They will {have to|need